Equality of cultural capital: The Framework
Identifying the interests in cultural capital that underpin these two components allows me to develop a conception of equality appropriate for regulating equality claims based on cultural capital, or equality of cultural capital. By 'equality of cultural capital', I mean Walzer's complex equality model, which refuses to admit the existence of one encompassing rule of distribution but forms. The relationship between equality and distributive justice is based on a variety of distribution criteria, which reflect in many different spheres of distribution. Following Walzer's complex equality model, to which my own conception of equality belongs, I incorporate cultural capital as a sphere in people's lives to address a key question: whether there is a difference between the level of recognition and protection received from the state by members of the majority and members of the minority.
The survey reveals how some minority ethnic groups and newly arrived migrant workers in the Scottish labour market face significant disadvantage, exploitation, and racism.
It has been well documented, fam. (Mostafa, 2008; Netto et al., 2001; Rodriguez and Prosins, 2008; The Equal Opportunities Commission 2006, Commission for Racial Equality 2007, The Independent, April 1, 2008, and The Courier, May 1, 2008). The T&G section of Amicus, which has been flexin' by recruiting migrant workers as members, was like: "The number of those directly employed is like, totally going down and the numbers of agency workers, who are mostly migrants, working in like, super crappy conditions is like, totally growing." Deputy Secretary of State Jack Dromey stated, "It's totally fueling racial divisions; but the enemy ain't the migrant, it's the exploitation." There should be equal treatment to protect everyone, right? Lawrence (2007). OMG, unions are telling ministers to give migrant workers equal rights, but there's a big concern about hiring cheap migrant workers. Amelia Hill spills the tea in the Guardian:
OMG, the English Industrial Revolution was so dependent, and it completely prefigured the current debate over the use of cheap migrant labor.
According to recent migration research in Scotland, the job market for migrant workers is completely broken. This is so obvious when employers completely ignore the rules regarding work hours and pay. SMH. Migrants are unable to work because they are unaware of their rights (Rolfe and Metcalf, 2009). The Low Pay Commission also observed: "A squad of Lithuanians were grinding on a building gig at a school for £15 per day cash in hand." In another case involving construction workers, they were 'hot bedding' in a garden shed (Low Pay Commission, 2008). Unlike most people, migrant farm workers are flexing their cultural capital and taking on low-level jobs to ensure success in other areas of their lives. Critics of such a trade-off approach argue that if the sphere of migrants' cultural capital is invaded while the cultural capital of local workers (native) is recognized, migrants will be in a particularly vulnerable position. I interpret cultural capital claims as equality claims with two components, you know? The first component is all about flexing and representing your cultural capital, whereas the second is all about demanding equality for both the majority and minority groups. By equality of cultural capital, I mean when both components are on the same level to support a claim of equality based on cultural capital, you know? England dominated the cloth trade for centuries due to their advanced technology and mad skills, despite the fact that weavers faced significant discrimination (Best, 2005). In the nineteenth century, Karl Marx (Marx, 1853) and Friedrich Engels completely exposed the gaps between immigration policies and practices. Engels' words, 'the mad amount of broken peeps in Ireland, like a squad on standby' (Engels, 1887), on which the
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